Fatih Belediyesi'nin kentsel yenilenme projesi kapsamında yıktığı Sulukule Çocuk Atölyesi, yıkıntılar arasında etkinliklerine devam etmeye çalışıyor.Çocuklar dün yıkılan atölyede bugün ritm dersi görecekler.
Sulukule'de atölyeyi yıkmak için ilk kez iki hafta önce gelen Fatih Belediye ekipleri mahallelinin çabaları sonucu ikna olup mahallede en son merkezi yıkma söz verimiş ve geri dönmüşlerdi.
Ancak iki gün önce tekrar yıkıma gelen ekipler dozerler eşliğinde merkezi yıktılar.
Sulukule'nin yüzde 80'i kentsel yenileme kapsamında yıkıldı. Çocukların yaşadıkları travmayı atlatmalarını ve öğrenmek ile barışmalarını sağlamak için kurulan çocuk atölyesiyse sekiz ay boyunca çalışmalarına devam etti. Çocuklar merkezde müzik, drama, resim dersleri alıyordu. (EZÖ)
Icelandic PM becomes world's first leader to step down over banking system crisis
The global economic crisis claimed its first leader yesteday, as Iceland's prime minister announced the immediate resignation of his government following the collapse of the country's currency and banking system.Geir Haarde said as recently as Friday that his coalition would remain in office until early elections, called for 9 May, after violent protests at its handling of Iceland's tottering economy.Yesterday he threw in the towel, saying that his Independence party and its Social Democratic Alliance partners were quitting immediately as he could not accept a demand by the Alliance to take over the premiership."What I have feared the most has come to pass, we now have a governmental crisis on top of the economic one," Haarde said....>
Wikipedia'dan 17. yy'dan bugüne isyanların listesi burada.
Türkiye 6 - 7 Eylül olayları ile yer alıyor yalnızca.
23 Ocak Cuma günü, Fatih Belediyesi'nden gelen yıkım ekipleri, aylardır Çocuk Merkezi işlevini gören binayı yıkmak üzere bölgeye vardıklarında karşılarında çocukları buldular. Yaşları 4 ile 12 arasında değişen yaklaşık onbeş çocuk, dozerlere rağmen binanın üst katına çıkıp pencerelerden yıkımlara ve belediyeye karşı hep bir ağızdan sloganlar attılar, şarkılar söylediler ve darbukalarını çaldılar.
Çocuklar, atölyede gönüllü abla ve abilerinin bulunamadığı ve dolayısıyla merkezin kapalı oldugu bir anda dozerlerin geldigini duyunca bir kac dakika içinde kendi kendilerine harekete geçtiler… Büyüklerini bile cağirmaya firsat bulamadan veya gerek görmeden birbirlerini hızla haberdar ettiler… Evlerinden , darbukalarını da almayı unutmadan merkeze koşan çocular, hemen binaya girip kendilerini kilitlediler ve belki de dünyanın en ilginc ve türünde bir ilk olan direnişi gerçekletirdiler…
Çocular, darbuka çalıp, şarkı söylerek sloganlar attılar: 'burası Sulukule, burda yıkım yok!', 'Sulukule bizimdir, bizim kalacak!', 'Sulukule buraya, yumruk havaya!'… Nakaratlarıyla büyüdükleri 'Aman Sulukule, Canım Sulukule' adlı şarkıyla coştular…
Haberi duyup olay yerine gelen, Sulukule Roman Kültürünü Geliştirme ve Dayanışma Derneği başkanı Şükrü Pündük'ün araya girmesiyle zabıta, çocukların binayı işgal etmiş olmasının yıkımı olanaksız hale getirdiğine karar verip mahalleyi terk etti. Ekipler mahalleyi terk ederken çocuklar şarkılar söyleyip darbukalarını çalmaya devam ettiler.
Çocuk Atölyesi 2006'nın mart ayından bu yana, yıkım alanında yaşayan çocuklarla, okuma yazmadan, resim, darbuka kurslarına, sirk çalışmalarından, tiyatro oyunu sahnelemeye kadar çeşitli alanlarda eğitim buluşmaları düzenlemekte olan gönüllü bir oluşum.
Mahalle Derneği, zorunlu yer değiştirme ve yıkıma maruz kalan çocukların travmadan kaçabildikleri, ve manevi destek bulabildikleri tek alan olarak varlık gösteren atölyenin mahalledeki yıkımlar tamamlanana kadar ayakta tutulmasını talep ediyor. Zabıtalar yaklaşık 2 hafta önce de yıkmaya geldilerinde atölyede bulunan gönüllüler duruma itirazlarını dile getirmişler, buna karşılık Fatih Belediyesi talebin yazılı ve resmi bir dilekçe halinde kurumlarına iletilmesi gerektiğini belirtmişlerdi. İmzalı dilekçeyi belediyeye ileten gönüllülerin ve mahalle derneğin çabaları karşısında, belediye söz konusu binanın son ana kadar yıkılmayacağına dair prensip sözü vermişti. Ama belediye, geçtiğimiz Cuma günü, merkeze yine dozerleri gönderek bir kez daha sözünde durmayacağını gasterdi…
Sulukule 2007 yılından bu yana Fatih Belediyesi ve TOKİ işbirliğince hazırlanan dönüşüm projesi kapsamında gerçekleştirilen yıkımlara sahne oluyor. Proje, tarihi Roman mahallesinin ortadan kadırılıp yerine taklit sivil Osmanlı ve Türk mimarisi örneği villalar, bir otel ve bir alışveriş merkezinin de bulunduğu yeni bir alanının inşa edilmesini öngörüyor. Belediyenin projesine karşı çıkan sivil mücadele 2006 yılından bu yana devam ediyor, ancak günümüze değin proje alanındaki 500'ü aşkın binanın yaklaşık 150'si yıkılmış durumda. Yaklaşık 5000 kişi zorunlu yer değiştirmeye maruz kaldı ve kalmaya devam ediyor…
Sulukule Platformu
Yesterday, jan 10, was a day when radical and muslim europe came together in a big number of cities of the EU to demand the end of the massacre and denounce Bush and Barak as murderers. Today a huge demo is scheduled in Brussels. Many, even on the extreme left, are uncomfortable with the religious undertones of many demos and the fact they end up in collective prayers. Also, the equation of the nazi swastika with the star of david is regarded as historically absurd and antisemitic, just as are cries for the destruction of israel and the burning of israeli flags.
Today there are at least 20 million European muslims, not counting Turkey. After catholic and protestant versions of christianity, islam is the second largest religious affiliation in the continent. After 9/11, the civil rights of this huge minority are being grossly violated, much as they were during Martin Luther King's times (another instance where religion expressed social mobilization). Their public expression of faith is severely limited, particularly in the nativist countries of Northern and Southern Europe (Denmark and Italy, for instance), where the construction of mosques is effectively denied (there's not a even a single mosque in a 3-million-plus metropolis like Milano). Cordoba and Istanbul remind us that islam is what makes modern Europe non-religiously homogenous. If Europe is to be secular and multicultural, it must be non-christian, and this in our the times of theologic revival translates as multireligious. Europe cannot only be christian, it must also be islamic. Those on the conservative and occidentalist right who say the Europe's legacy is strictly judeo-christian, more often than not are descendants of those same nationalists who exterminated the European jewry sixty years ago and destroyed its yiddish and Bund culture. Europe used to be jewish, but before 1942. After fascism, it turned into a land of ethnically and often religiously homogenous nation-states. Only postWWII immigration gave Europe back some of the diversity it enjoyed before the two wars. Most of this immigration has been from arab and muslim countries. If we look at the social pyramid of Europe today, we find four larg social categories: the cosmopolitan elties, a transnational, educated middle class, increasingly unsecure industrial workers, petty bourgeoisies and white collars of native stock, and finally the excluded: an increasingly mulatto precarious youth and a largely islamic immigrant population. Mayday wants to give voice to the precarious and the sans-papiers. We cannot deny that many of those without voice are islamic and want to express their faith politically.
Much as it pains me to say it, it's now clear in retrospect that the Iranian revolution of 1979 has been the equivalent for political islam of the Russian revolution for political marxism. It has imposed a new dynamic on world history, put fear in global capitalism, and created endless conflicts, also within its ranks. The shia clerics that destroyed the people's mujaheddins after toppling the shah, absorbed their leninism, and made islam a populist religion, something it had never been under the ferociously feudal wahhabi islam watching over mecca and the holy sites. A similar development gradually occurred in sunni islam with the extension of the influence of Muslim Brotherhood in countries where panarabism had gone to power (e.g. Egypt, Syria). Hezbollah descends from the shia revolution of Khomeini, and Hamas from the sunni revolution of Qutb. Both are populist versions of islam, which while hating zionism and Israel, are opposed to terrorist and necrophiliac versions of sunnism, such as the salafitism of al-qaeda, the talibans, or the kashmir death squad sent to Mumbai. It's telling that both hamas and hezbollah publicly distanced themselves from 9/11 and 7-7
http://www.pickensdemocrats.org/info/Facing_Hamas_and_Hezbollah_071119.htm
There's no doubt that especially Hamas is antisemitic (and more gynophobic than Hezbollah). But it's not the antisemitism deriving from roman catholicism or greek orthodoxy or protestant Lutheranism that has traditionally fuelled european fascism and racism, it's a hate of the jewish state and its perceived colonialist ideology as such. I don't justify it, but it is understandable for somebody to become say anti-italian and burn the italina flag because he/she has lived for decades under the domination of the italian state. Usually, in order to make it more palatable it's more often referred to as antizionism. To reject zionism is to reject the existence of Israel. I oppose this idea sharply. In fact zionism as a secular, once socialist-leaning, ideology is under attack in Israel as well, as new immigrants from Russia and Africa are for a sharp and clear ethnoreligious connotation of the state. I shall say this to all friends here and elsewhere now and for ever: Israel must live, in spite of all the crimes that its politicians are committing today. And heinous as their crimes currently are, they stop way short of genocide or nazism (words do have a meaning). Hamas by breaking the truce and refusing to recognize israel has made it easier for the bombers and cannons to torch and maim Gaza. They should have procrastinated the truce until jan 20, no matter how callous and unfair was israel's blockade. Still, it's against all notions of humanity to punish a whole people as terrorist because they have dared vote for an enemy of your government.
Anarchy has always been against all forms of established religion as well as the state. In global terms, it make sense to see it as anticlerical heresy typical of white christianity, i.e. as a radical form of secularism arising in the western world. Anarchy is a form of "white" deviance, drawing legions in Europe and North America, but very little outside this regions. Marxism has been atheist, too, but has usually refrained from burning churches, even in the Soviet Union. In particular, marxist anti-imperialism and national liberation guerrillas have positively engaged with leftist strands of Catholicism and other religions to mobilize rural masses. Autonomy (i.e. post-1973 marxism in the west) has been ecumenical in its approach, building in terms of class as it emerged from postfordism and trying to build cross-cultural movements bridging across ethnic and religious divides.
This is easier to do in countries like France where banlieusards see their exclusion in terms of race and class much as the African-Americans have historically done, than in Sweden or Holland where discrimination is mostly seen in ethnic and religious terms.
Autonomy is more geared to the mulatto generation, to punk islam if you wish, than anarchy, with its complete refusal of the religious manifestations evoking the transcendent. Both radical trends have to support the civil and political rights of arab and muslim minorities in europe, since islamophobia and immigration are the two issues diving the right from the left in europe today. Our alliance with insurgent arab youth must be done in honesty, without hiding our atheism and complete support of feminism and gender liberation. But it's clear we have an enemy in common: european elites allied with
israel's irrational militarism and bushist occidentalism. Wanting everybody to be like us seems another version of cultural imperialism.
Arab, african, and persian kids of muslim origin born into European metropolises grew up in largely secular conditions, sharing the pop consumerism of their mongrelizing peers. They did not particularly care about religion, as their parents were often secularized muslims and arab nationalists who did not care about the moral strictures of islam (no alcohol, headscarves for women, respect of ramadan and hajj etc.). This has dramatically changed since 2001, when boys as well as girls have rediscovered their islamic roots and turned them in acts of political defiance toward authorities as well as their families. I here contend their display of religion is mostly a political subculture which radical european movements must engage with if they want to effectively fight global war and social discrimination. This type of juvenile islam mixes easily with ghetto hip-hop culture as well as youth alternative culture. It's a bit like the black panthers embracing maoism and islamism; it's more resentment at failed integration than a prokhomeneist agenda. Antifas, anarchists, autonomists thus have done right when they have defended the right of european muslims to practice their religion, as they did in Koeln, Malmoe, and elsewhere. Fascists and xenofobes (DPP, Lega, Vlams Blok etc etc) are particularly virulent in opposing the collective right of european muslims to pray together. For instance in Italy, the fascist minister of defense (the one who has sent soldiers patrolling immigrant 'hoods in Milano and Rome), has even criticized the archbishop of Milano for refusing to raise a stink when thousands of muslims prayed in Duomo square last week in an unauthorized demo, an event repeated yestedray in front of Centrale station and Pirelli skyscraper. The popular rags are today titling: "Invasion". They are playing the same game of the clash of civilizations that Bush and
Barak are rerunning to pre-empt any change in Middle-east policy by the new US administration. Their hideous decision has not only already killed hundreds of children, it has taken hostage a whole world yearning for peace after a decade of uninterrupted war.
Those who long for the secular palestinian resistance to israel's colonialism and apartheid, the one they had come to know in recent decades, would do well to mount an international campaign to free from prison Marwan Barghouti, the leader of al-aqsa brigades in the second intifada, the only who can restore the political respectability of fatah, find an agreement with hamas and maybe strike deal for full Palestinian independence in a single state encompassing Gaza and the West Bank. In my view, he's the only secular alternative to hamas (the marxist popular front for the liberation of palestine seems a nostalgic remnant of a glorious past).
love'n'rage,
lx
Palestinians runs for cover as a missile fired by the Israeli military is seen nearly hitting its target during an Israeli air strike on Hamas' Executive Force building in the Nusseirat refugee camp in the centre of the Gaza strip, 25 May 2007.
An interview with Mike Davis
"Global epidemics and global terrorism are two problems that principally emanated from the slums. When one talks about 'failed states' one often means 'failed cities', such as Gaza, Sadr City or the slums of Port-au-Prince." Urban theorist Mike Davis talks in interview about the evolution of the neoliberal city...>
The Shministim are Israeli high school students who have been imprisoned for refusing to serve in an army that occupies the Palestinian Territories. December 18 marks the launch date of a global campaign to release them from jail. Join over 20,000 people including American conscientious objectors,Ronnie Gilbert, Adrienne Rich, Robert Meeropol, Adam Hochschild, Rabbi Lynn Gottleib, Howard Zinn, Rela Mazali, Debra Chasnoff, Ed Asner and Aurora Levins-Morales and show your support by contacting the Israeli Minister of Defense using the form below.
İsrail liseli vicdani retçileri düzenli olarak hapse atıyor. Yaşları 16-19 arasındaki gençler işgal altındaki Filistin topraklarında askerlik yapmayı reddediyor, çözüm istiyor. Gençlerin serbest bırakılması için İnternet'te imza kampanyası başladı...>
Kampanya, december18th.org adresinde.
RESPONSES TO AN INTERVIEWER FROM A GREEK DAILY PAPER OF THE LEFT
1.
I think our societies are supersaturated with unrecognized anger that can suddenly crystallize around a single incident of police abuse or state repression. Although the seeds of revolt have been flagrantly sown, bourgeois society seldom recognizes its own harvest.
In Los Angeles in 1992, for example, every teenager on the streets (or, for that matter, every cop on the beat) knew that Armageddon was coming. The widening fault-lines between inner-city youth and city government should have been visible to even the most naive observer: weekly mass arrests, innumerable police shootings of unarmed kids, indiscriminate profiling of youth of color as gangsters, outrageous double standards of justice, and so on. Yet when the eruption occurred, in the wake of the court verdict that exonerated the police who had almost beat Rodney King to death, the political and media elites reacted as if some secret, unpredictable force had been unleashed from the depths of the earth. The media (mostly flying overhead in helicopters) subsequently attempted to manage the world’s perception of the riot by drastic simplification and stereotyping: black gangs were in the streets burning and looting. In fact, the Rodney King verdict became the nucleus around which very diverse grievances coalesced. Few of thousands arrested were actually gang members and only about one- third were even African-American. The majority were poor immigrants or their children arrested for looting diapers, shoes, and televisions from neighborhood stores. The economy of Los
Angeles was then (as today) in deep recession and the poor Latino neighborhoods west and south of downtown were most affected, but press had never reported on their existential misery, so the “bread riot” dimension of the uprising was largely ignored.
Similarly in Greece today, a “normal” police atrocity finally triggers an eruption which is stereotyped as inexplicable anger and blamed on shadowy anarchists: when, in fact, “low-intensity civil war” seems to have long characterized the relationship between police and various strata of youth.
2.
I have utterly no qualification to comment on the specificity of Greek conditions, but I have the impression that there are important contrasts with France in 2005. Spatial segregation of immigrant and poor youth seems less extreme than in Paris but job prospects for petty-bourgeois kids are considerably worse: the intersection of these two conditions brings into the streets of Athens a more diverse coalition of students and young unemployed adults. Moreover, they inherit a continuous protest tradition and culture of resistance that is unique in Europe.
3.
What would Greek youth demand? Surely, they perceive with ruthless clarity that the world depression forecloses traditional reforms of the educational system and employment markets. Why would they have any faith in another iteration of PASOK and its broken promises?
But, yes, you’re correct: this is an original species of revolt, prefigured by earlier riots in L.A., London, and Paris, but arising from a new and more profound understanding that the future has been looted in advance. Indeed, what generation in modern history (apart from the sons of Europe in 1914) has ever been so comprehensively betrayed by the patriarchs? I agonize about this question because I have four children and even the youngest understands that their future may be radically different from my past. My “baby-boom” cohort bequeaths to its children a broken world economy, stupefying extremes of social inequality, brutal wars on the imperial frontiers, and an out-of- control planetary climate.
4.
Athens is being widely envisioned as the answer to the question: “After Seattle, then what?”
Recall the anti-WTO demonstrations and the “Battle of Seattle” In 1999, which opened a new era of non-violent protest and grassroots activism. The tremendous popularity of the World Social Forums, the millions-strong turnouts to protest Bush’s invasion of Iraq in
2003, and the widespread support for the Kyoto Accord - all augured enormous hope that an “alter monde” might yet be born. In the event, the war did not end, greenhouse gas emissions soared, and the social forum movement has languished. An entire cycle of protest came to an end just as the Wall Street boiler-room of globalized capitalism exploded, leaving in its wake both more radical problems and new opportunities for radicalism. The revolt in Athens ends the recent drought of anger. Its cadre seems to have little tolerance for hopeful slogans or optimistic solutions? Thus distinguishing themselves from the utopian demands of 1968 or the wishful spirit of 1999. This absence of reform demands (and, thus, any conventional handle for managing the protests), of course, is what is most scandalous, not the Molotov cocktails or broken shop windows. It recalls not so much the student left of the 1960s as the intransigent revolts of underclass anarchism in Montmartre in the 1890s or Barcelona’s “Barrio Chino” during the early 1930s. Some American activists, of course, consider this a renewal of Seattle-style protest, with a temporary quotient of Mediterranean passion. It fits into their Obama-will- bring-change paradigm of understanding the present as a rerun of 1930s and 1960s political reform movements. But other young people I know reject this interpretation out of hand. They identify themselves (as did the fin d’siecle anarchists) as a “doomed generation” and see in the streets of Athens the appropriate metric for their own rage.
There is a danger, of course, in overstating the importance of an eruption in a specific national setting, but the world has become kindling and Athens is the first spark.
by Amel Mathlouthi
I have no place
I have no country
I have no homeland
With my finger I make fire
and with my heart I sing for you
my heartstrings weep
I was born in Palestine
I was born in Palestine
I have no place
I have no country
I have no homeland
Nazi troops round up Polish Jews during the Warsaw Ghetto Uprising in May 1943.
Joseph Massad
One is often baffled by the ironies of international relations and the alliances they foster. Take for example the Israeli colonial settlement that had declared war on the Palestinian people and several Arab countries since its inception while at the same time it built alliances with many Arab regimes and with Palestinian leaders...>
JENNIFER ALLORA & GUILLERMO CALZADILLA, Sediments, Sentiments (Figures of Speech)
Philip Tinari
This past fall, with the consecutive openings of six “Asian biennials,” the deliquescent 1990s and early-2000s trend toward establishing new large-scale exhibitions in increasingly far-flung locales bore fruit, such as it is. And as might have been anticipated, these shows were also attended by the repeatedly aired critiques that such efforts do little more than adapt a late-nineteenth-century model of display to newly ascendant societies; and, further, serve as highbrow smoke screens cynically deployed in the service of nationalist political regimes, neoliberal economic interests, or narrow municipal agendas. But to make either of these points in the present context is to pick up a debate that has, in fact, faded in the years since the first Gwangju Biennale of 1995. Back then, recall, questions about globalization, and about the place of “Asia” (always a problematic concept in and of itself) in this new order, plagued the intelligentsia. Just a short time earlier, economist Ezra Vogel had paternalistically anointed South Korea one of the “four little dragons” driving the region’s economic growth and political progress. Somewhere along the line, though, the “little dragons” (the others were Hong Kong, Taiwan, and Singapore) became the “Asian tigers,” and the terms of the debate shifted away from what 2008 Gwangju Biennale artistic director Okwui Enwezor calls “the anxiety of the periphery.”...>
On The Sixth Taipei Biennial
Burak Delier, Counter Attack: The Intervention Team, 2008.
By Brian Holmes
THE INTERSCALE: Art after Neoliberalism
You enter a typical white cube, with four evenly spaced rectangles on the wall in front of you. One is an ordinary window looking at the world outside. Another is a video monitor with a recording of the view. The two remaining screens oscillate between bright colors – pink, blue, yellow – and scenes of a woman’s hands with polished red fingernails, deliberately cutting out pieces of some black plastic material. There is a soundtrack: ambient bustle, as though you were waiting for an office worker to pick up a dangling phone. Words appear on the screen: So, I just want to know about uncertainty… and knowledge… and if everything can be calculated and known? And now you begin hearing a voice, speaking about mathematical models and what insurance agents do for a living. “The less we know, the higher the risk. Risk always has a price, of course,” explains a specialist. The work, Estimations (2008) by Katya Sander, is a series of disembodied conversations with anonymous interlocutors, about the calculability of disaster and its uncertainties.1...>
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